By John Krige
In 1945, the U.S. used to be not just the most powerful fiscal and army strength on the earth; it used to be additionally the world's chief in technological know-how and expertise. In American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of technology in Europe, John Krige describes the efforts of influential figures within the usa to version postwar clinical practices and associations in Western Europe on these in the US. They mobilized political and fiscal help to advertise not only America's clinical and technological agendas in Western Europe yet its chilly struggle political and ideological agendas as well.Drawing at the paintings of diplomatic and cultural historians, Krige argues that this try at clinical dominance via the usa should be visible as a kind of "consensual hegemony," related to the collaboration of influential neighborhood elites who shared American values. He makes use of this proposal to investigate a sequence of case reviews that describe how the united states management, senior officials within the Rockefeller and Ford Foundations, the NATO technology Committee, and influential contributors of the clinical establishment--notably Isidor I. Rabi of Columbia college and Vannevar Bush of MIT--tried to Americanize clinical practices in such fields as physics, molecular biology, and operations study. He info U.S. aid for associations together with CERN, the Niels Bohr Institute, the French CNRS and its laboratories at Gif close to Paris, and the never-established "European MIT." Krige's learn indicates how consensual hegemony in technology not just served the pursuits of postwar eu reconstruction yet turned otherwise of keeping American management and "making the realm secure for democracy."
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And the Kremlin forbade East European countries from participating in the scheme—as Jan Masaryk, the Czech foreign minister, put it bitterly, after being summoned to be told of the ban: “I went to Moscow as the Foreign Minister of an independent sovereign state. ”16 Marshall aid was not only conditional on coalition governments marginalizing the influence of Communist parties but was also intended to push Europeans along the path toward closer economic integration. The secretary of state implied that Europeans were to view the problem of recovery as a whole, and see what contribution each could make to the mutual benefit of all.
14 This was seen as one possible way of luring countries like Hungary and Czechoslovakia out of the Soviet orbit. It was also intended to defuse criticism of the scheme by the Communist parties in France and Italy, who were extremely hostile to the United States. Earlier in the year, moderate leaders in France and Italy had been told that, in return for arranging emergency loans for them, Washington expected them to expel Communists from the governing coalitions. This Science and the Marshall Plan 21 policy was not driven simply, or even primarily, by ideological concerns.
Unless the United States offered further and substantial aid, Europe would disintegrate economically, socially, and politically. This would have “awful implications . . 12 The Marshall Plan Truman’s secretary of state, George C. Marshall, acted quickly. In his address at Harvard University on 5 June 1947 he launched the famous program that subsequently bore his name, though at this stage his was an invitation rather than a plan. ” To this end, he called upon European nations to take the initiative and to agree among themselves on what they needed.
American Hegemony and the Postwar Reconstruction of Science in Europe by John Krige